International Journal of Law and Legal Studies

International Journal of Law and Legal Studies ISSN 2463-5634 Vol. 8 (2), pp. 001-010, February, 2020. © International Scholars Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Media warfare content analysis of the conservative and alternative media during the Bukit Selambau Malaysian by-election

Mohamed Samsudeen Sajahan¹, Azlyn Ahmad Zawawi¹, Azni Syafena Andin Salamat¹, Nur Zafifa Kamarunzaman¹, Azrul Shahimy Mohd Yusof², Zaliha Hj. Hussin¹ and Kamaruzaman Jusoff³*

¹Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA, 40450 Shah Alam, Malaysia.

²Department of Language, Universiti Teknologi MARA, 40450 Shah Alam, Malaysia.

³TropAIR, Faculty of Forestry, Universiti Putra Malaysia, 43400 UPM Serdang, Selangor. Malaysia.

Accepted 18 October, 2019

Abstract

This paper discuss on the role of the media in the context of warfare that was brought by the conservative mass media as well as the alternatives during the N 25 DUN Bukit Selambau, Malaysia by-election timeframe. The main idea of this study is to analyze the role of conservative and alternative media during Malaysia’s 2009 by-election. It should be noted that the types of media that were selected in this paperwork were not biased upon any parties and this was determined on the rationale that these media were the main choice of the local population. Among the local media sources that were chosen for this analysis were Utusan Malaysia, Berita Harian, Nanban, Tamil Nesan, whereas malaysiakini.com and tvantara.com were for the alternatives,. The discussions in this paperwork were more focused on the issues that were discussed by the media in terms of their main topic, news focus, themes, role of pictures and videos and the delivery of news. In order to deliver a more effective writing piece, the researcher had used two main communicative theories which were the theory of agenda setting as well as the framing theory in analyzing the impacts of media in this by-election.

Keywords: Agenda setting, framing theory, media warfare, Bukit Selambau.

International Journal of Law and Legal Studies ISSN 2463-5634 Vol. 8 (2), pp. 001-020, February, 2020. © International Scholars Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Nepal: Federalism for lasting peace

Shiv Raj Bhatt¹ and Syed Mansoob Murshed²*

¹ISS under MICROCON Project and National Programme Manager (a.i.)/Trade Policy Analyst, Enhancing Nepal’s Trade-related Capacity Programme, UNDP/Ministry of Commerce and Supplies, Government of Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal.

²Institute of Social Studies (ISS), PO Box 29776, 2502 LT, The Hague, The Netherlands and the Birmingham Business School, University of Birmingham, UK, PRIO, Oslo.

Accepted 07 September, 2019

Abstract

Many studies have been conducted on the causes and consequences of Nepal’s conflict. Given the current peace, proposals on federal restructuring, mostly based on ethnic sub-divisions of the country, are rife. Federal restructuring of the country, it is believed, will be instrumental in power sharing and peace in the long run. It is also believed that federalism will promote inclusive development by granting political autonomy to states (regions) and assuring proportional and fair representation of all ethnic/sub-cultural groups in future governments and other decision-making organs of the state. However, it is not yet clear what kind of federalism this multi-ethnic country will have. Many analysts see federal restructuring of the country as an over-ambitious and challenging task for Nepal. There is also a fear that any hurried decision in this direction may further intensify the underlying conflict and ultimately cause the disintegration of the country. Furthermore, economic issues like revenue and expenditure sharing and resource mobilization are not fully spelled out by the proponents of federalism. This paper suggests an alternative basis for federal restructuring of the nation, which promotes long-term development and sustainable peace.

Key words: Nepal, Post-Conflict reconstruction, Federal reconstruction.

International Journal of Law and Legal Studies ISSN 2463-5634 Vol. 8 (2), pp. 001-004, February, 2020. © International Scholars Journals

Review

Some lessons from the White Rajahs of Sarawak: Identifying and strengthening local capacities for peace in the deep South of Thailand

Otto F. von Feigenblatt

Doctoral Student, Nova Southeastern University, 1420 High Point Way SW Apt. B, Delray Beach, Florida 33445, USA. E-mail: [email protected].

Accepted 13 November, 2019

Abstract

The present paper explores some of the lessons that can be learned from the reigns of the first two Rajahs of the Brook dynasty of Sarawak. They ruled over a realm populated by Malays, Dyaks, Chinese and Europeans with great wisdom and skills. Rajahs James Brooke and Charles Brooke both identified important local capacities for peace and strengthened them so as to keep their multiethnic state together. Comparing and contrasting the rule of a British dynasty in Southeast Asia during the colonial period to the post-colonial colonialism of the Thai State in the Deep South shows that some characteristics of traditional colonial rule as exercised by the White Rajahs of Sarawak were more likely to lead to sustainable peace and development than the excesses of post-colonial nationalism.

Key words: Sarawak, colonialism, capacities for peace, development, ethnic conflict.

International Journal of Law and Legal Studies ISSN 2463-5634 Vol. 8 (2), pp. 001-010, February, 2020. © International Scholars Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Malaysia’s policy towards its 1963 - 2008 territorial disputes

Asri Salleh¹, Che Hamdan Che Mohd Razali¹ and Kamaruzaman Jusoff²*

¹Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Terengganu, 23000 Dungun, Terengganu, Malaysia.

²TropAIR, Faculty of Forestry, Universiti Putra Malaysia, 43400 Serdang, Selangor. Malaysia

Accepted 22 September, 2019

Abstract

Malaysia has a number of territorial disputes such as Sipadan- Ligitan, Batu Puteh, Limbang and the Spratly Islands. So far, it had settled two of the disputes through the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that is Sipadan-Ligitan and Batu Puteh Islands. Other disputes remain outstanding and/or unsettled that is the Spratly Islands and Limbang. This paper provides an overview of the disputes and Malaysia’s approaches to manage and/or settle them. As such, it analyzes the factors that influence Malaysia’s policy in this regard. Analysis of the factors suggests that Malaysia’s policy towards territorial disputes has been mainly shaped by the Prime Minister’s Department. Other key foreign policy bureaucracies, such as the Defense and Foreign Ministries, have also been found to play an instrumental role especially through the National Security Council of which the two ministries are part of the other important bureaucracies include ISIS and MIMA. It also suggests that Malaysia’s policy has adopted a pragmatic stature in which it allows for a combination of approaches to settle the disputes. This includes unilateralist approach as in Swallow Reef case, multilateralist as in Amboyna Cay case and bilateralist as in Sipadan and Batu Puteh cases. Finally, based on the analysis, this paper suggests several recommendations with regard to Malaysia’s handling of the territorial disputes.

Key words: Territorial disputes, international court of justice, ASEAN high council, security, Malaysia.

International Journal of Law and Legal Studies ISSN 2463-5634 Vol. 8 (2), pp. 001-009, February, 2020. © International Scholars Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Reforming tax polices and revenue mobilization promotes a fiscal responsibility: A study of east and West African states

T. Ghirmai Kefela

DTAG Inc. 2300 Airport Blvd. San Jose, CA 95110, USA 95110, USA. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected].

Accepted 07 September, 2019

Abstract

The primary objective of this paper is to prepare a case study on tax policy reforms and its impact, with the specific objectives of examining the main tax reforms of Ethiopia; Kenya, Uganda and Ghana. It views tax policy from a variety view points, which focuses on broad based of tax revenues and on designing certain selected major taxes, This paper will cover the theory of fiscal responsibilities under which the government uses its revenue and expenditure programs to produce desirable effects on national income, production and practice of public finance. In most of the emerging or developing countries one of the factors lacking the economic growth is lacking of revenue to finance the economic development. Highlighting tax revenue profile and composition; and discussing major problems that could prevent by implementing an effective tax polices in those countries. There is a wide gap between total investment needs and domestic resource mobilization (Sachs et al., 2004). Sachs suggested that sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) would need an additional ODA per year of about $25 billion to meet the MDGs.

Key words: Fiscal adjustment, tax policies, resources mobilization, domestic and foreign debt.

International Journal of Law and Legal Studies ISSN 2463-5634 Vol. 8 (2), pp. 001-010, February, 2020. © International Scholars Journals

Full Length Research Paper

Management and conflict aspects of waters between Palestine and Israel

Amjad Aliewi

House of Water and Environment, Ramallah, West Bank, Palestine. E-mail: [email protected].

Accepted 05 December, 2019

Abstract

Palestine utilizes four groundwater basins, three of which are transboundary or shared waters. Palestine is a riparian country in the Jordan River but it is denied its water rights. Palestine and Israel signed an interim water agreement in 1995 (called Oslo II accord) and a final agreement is yet to be negotiated and signed. There is still a serious conflict between Palestine and Israel over water resources whether they are either endogenous or shared. This conflict is about water rights and management of these water resources. This conflict has to be settled and solved in the final status negotiations between the two parties. The final status negotiations are yet to start seriously. This paper addresses the core issues of differences and concentrates on the management of water resources and identifies the Palestinian water rights for the final status negotiations. The difficulties and shortcomings of Oslo II accord are that the interim agreement never addressed all water resources and it was in favor of Israel. Israel controls now 100% of the Palestinian water rights in the Jordan River and 86% of the Palestinian groundwater resources (shared and endogenous) resulting in an unequal per capita water consumption ration of 4:1 in favor to Israel. Also, Israel's mismanagement of the transboundary waters lacks the holistic and integrated approach and is based on putting huge pressure on the aquifers (abstraction scenario for Israeli use) in drought periods which only increase the suffering of Palestinians in terms of meeting their water needs. The paper analyses both the Palestinian and the Israeli positions about the conflict over water in the final status negotiations. This paper shows that there is a need to a final agreement between the two parties in which the International Law will be used to solve the conflict over water. This paper concludes that the Palestinians should recover their absolute sovereignty over their endogenous water resources and recover their fair share in shared water resources.

Key words: Palestine, Israel, shared water resources, International law, water rights, conflict, negotiations.